56 pages 1 hour read

From Beirut to Jerusalem

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 1989

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Themes

The Responsibility of a Journalist

Content Warning: This section cites accounts of war violence, as well as criticisms of Arab culture that some readers may find offensive.

Tom Friedman’s work in Lebanon and Israel proved difficult for both professional and personal reasons. As a journalist in Lebanon, Friedman was a potential target, as various militia groups were quick to punish journalists who spread unfavorable stories or kidnap them to make themselves the center of the next news cycle. As a Jew, Friedman worried that his religion would make him suspect to Arabs, relying on the relative ignorance of Western names to achieve some anonymity. Upon moving to Israel, he traded one problem for another, as his Jewishness stuck him with the charge of disloyalty in the event of any critique of Israel. He tells the amusing story of his father-in-law receiving a phone call that “your son-in-law Tom Friedman […] is the most hated man in New York City” (478) for his reporting on the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982.

Going to Lebanon relatively early in his career, and then bearing witness to a series of transformative events, provided him with critical lessons on proper journalism. Where possible, Friedman tries to extract general truths from specific instances, such as viewing the massacre at Hama as an example of ancient tribalism and authoritarianism merged with the modern capabilities of the nation-state (98). His job is both to report events and put them in context, and so understanding the Intifada of 1987 is impossible without discussing the war of 1967.

Complete objectivity is impossible, as everyone has their own biases; Friedman is upfront about his own childhood fondness for the state of Israel, which was hard to shake entirely, even after he saw its warts and all in person. It is impossible to capture an entire story, and the most neutral journalist is dependent on sources with biases of their own. Friedman understands that objectivity is an illusion, but he can nonetheless work to represent as many sides of a story as possible. As the book illustrates, this often comes with risks and requires Friedman to put himself in harm’s way. But Friedman recognizes that he is not fulfilling the responsibility he has as a journalist if he is reporting on events that are often violent, unpredictable, and even deadly that he is not himself personally acquainted with.

In addition to providing context and analysis, the journalist is a storyteller, and mere slivers of life in Beirut can help shed light on something people will never see or understand in full. Friedman is renowned for having the ear of political leaders, and his later articles tend to have the overt air of policy prescriptions. By contrast, when he left Beirut, it was arguably worse off than when he found it, and no more of his writings would even make the front page. Even so, the mere fact of his having testified to “the boundaries of men’s compassion alongside their unfathomable brutality, their ingenuity alongside astounding folly, their insanity alongside their infinite ability to endure” made it a noteworthy journalistic endeavor (244): Friedman’s journalist approach, whereby he centers context and real-life stories in his reportage, sheds light on the lived experiences and the human stakes of events that are often reduced to statistics.

Enduring the Unendurable

In reporting from a warzone, there is an understandable temptation to focus on the immensity of human suffering as the best way to convey to an audience what is happening. Friedman is not at all shy about describing the terrible violence he encountered, such as when friends of his suffered terrible losses, when he could hear explosions and shellfire from his bed, or when a rock smashed the window of the car carrying his family.

Yet he does not spend as much time as one might expect on the instances of mass violence he encountered, such as the Hama massacre or the attacks on the refugee camps. By the time he visits these places, they have largely gone silent, except for those who somehow survived. Without disrespecting the memory of the dead, Friedman is concerned with the plight of the living and how they are capable of making a life out of impossible conditions. Their capacity to endure does not mitigate the fact of their suffering or indicate that everything is going to be fine in the end—it is a paradox that they do in fact endure what should be unendurable.

Hence, one way that Friedman illustrates what it means to endure the unendurable is by covering what it looks like for human beings to navigate immense violence and suffering through their everyday lives. In Beirut, death can come to anyone at any time, and those who survive do so through elaborate psychological gamesmanship, “learning to isolate dangers in your mind and to be able to live a reasonably full life” (38). This was not a cost-free action, as it necessitated severing ties with broader social networks when caring for them would exert too much stress and uncertainty. Thus people survive, but in doing so relegate the “Levantine spirit” into a distant and perhaps mythical past (239).

In Israel and Palestine, Friedman finds the people of the occupied territories both thriving and suffering all at once. The occupation had been going on for 20 years at that point, rattling Palestinians with the daily humiliations of Israeli rule and the uncertainty of how and when it might end. At the same time, the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza were “inexorably melding together into a single binational society” (324), often profiting from the political state of affairs. Friedman therefore exposes the extent to which people can manage alongside great turmoil and violence, not just at the personal level but also at the level of social order. In doing so, Friedman shows that an overly stark portrait of Israeli oppressors and Palestinian victims elides the complex realities of the situation and thereby fails to address the proper terms of a more peaceful coexistence. By shedding light on this robust ability to endure the unendurable, Friedman proves that no amount of violence is likely to place a people in a position of total capitulation, and so the solution is either political, or there will be no solution.

The Fragility of Political Identity

Lebanon is a classic and tragic case study on the fragility of statehood. Pieced together from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire, Lebanon had all the formal trappings of democracy but was in fact “a sectarian balance of power” that fell apart once the balance was no longer sustainable (241). Once the government revealed itself to be an agent for one particular community (the Maronites), Lebanon became little more than a pie of which each of its constituent factions tried to seize the largest possible piece. Social science may provide all kinds of valuable explanations as to why Lebanon fell apart, but for Friedman, it is an especially stark example of a universal trend, where political identities of all kinds are hard to sustain.

One reason for this fragility is that political identity is often complex and multifaceted. Even within Lebanon, the factions of Maronite and Muslim broke down along sectarian lines, brought in a host of foreign powers, and for the residents of the city, pared their existence down to what was local and therefore knowable. Hezbollah no more represented the interests of Muslims than did Phalange militants who preyed on their own people as much as their ostensible enemies. At its best, Lebanon and Beirut had been a gathering of communities, promising stability to each. The disruption of one was always likely to throw off the entire arrangement.

Upon moving to Israel and Palestine, it might appear that identities there were more stable, having had decades of defining themselves against one another. Instead, Friedman finds a state no less divided, even if the divisions have not yet sent militias into the streets. Israeli Jews struggle over the relative importance of democracy and Judaism. Palestinians are not sure if they are preeminently Muslims, Arabs, Palestinians, or residents of Israel. The relationship between Israel and the United States adds still more layers of complexity, with Israelis finding themselves dependent on “an energetic, wealthy, powerful American Jewish community that did not move to Israel” and those American Jews wondering what it meant to be Jewish when they saw their co-religionists seemingly oppressing another people (465).

Perhaps Friedman’s own life gives him insights into these complexities as an American Jew who was in the region for some of its most convulsive political episodes and who maintains extensive contacts with all sides. If there is a lesson to be extracted, it is that one cannot simply define a people in opposition to another, because those people will simply mirror that attitude right back, and in the absence of an unequivocal victory (which is ephemeral even when it occurs, as 1967 demonstrates), that knowledge of the self derives from empathy toward the other.

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